Northern Ireland has been living with this agreement for 20 years and its name (in any form) is never far from the languages of our politicians. The agreement was for Northern Ireland to be part of the United Kingdom and remain in place until a majority of the population of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland wished otherwise. If this happens, the British and Irish governments will be “obliged” to implement this decision. Northern Ireland`s leaders face difficult challenges in providing basic services and managing denominational divisions. One of the most urgent tasks is to improve health services, which have become increasingly mired in crisis after the collapse of local authorities. About three hundred thousand people – about one-sixth of the population – were on waiting lists for health care by the end of 2019, and nurses and other employees went on strike in December of that year to protest lower wages than the rest of the UK. Until February 2020, many health unions had agreed with the government on higher wages and other demands on whether the health sector was on a sustainable path but remains open. The agreement required the transfer of authority over certain policy areas of the British Parliament to a newly created assembly in Belfast and paved the way for paramilitary groups to give up their weapons and engage in the political process. It has contributed to a sharp decrease in violence and the annual death toll, which peaked at 480 in 1972, has fallen to one figure in recent years. The final withdrawal agreement between the EU and the UK has agreed on a complex solution to this delicate problem. Under the proposed regime, Northern Ireland, like the rest of the UK, would leave the EU customs union, the basis for common tariffs on all products imported into the bloc.

However, the necessary customs checks would not take place at the border with the Republic of Ireland, but between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, creating a new border in the Irish Sea. Meanwhile, Northern Ireland – but not the rest of the UK – would continue to follow many of the EU`s internal market rules, so that the land border with Ireland could remain open. This regime is also supported by a separate agreement between Ireland and the United Kingdom allowing the free movement of persons between the two countries. As part of the agreement, the British and Irish governments committed to holding referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic on 22 May 1998. The referendum on Northern Ireland is expected to approve the deal reached at the multi-party talks. The Republic of Ireland`s referendum should approve the Anglo-Irish agreement and facilitate the modification of the Irish constitution in accordance with the agreement. In the context of political violence during the riots, the agreement forced participants to find “exclusively democratic and peaceful means to resolve political differences.” This required two aspects: in 2004, negotiations were held between the two governments, the DUP, and Sinn Féin for an agreement to restore the institutions. The talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing the changes to the Belfast agreement was known as the “comprehensive agreement.” However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Republican Army of Ireland had completely closed its arsenal of weapons and had “taken it out of service”. Nevertheless, many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained skeptical. Among the loyalist paramilitaries, only the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) had decommissioned all weapons.

[21] Further negotiations took place in October 2006 and resulted in the St Andrews Agreement. The agreement reaffirmed its commitment to “mutual respect, civil rights and religious freedoms for all within the Community.” The multi-party agreement recognised “the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance with regard to linguistic diversity,” particularly with regard to the Irish language, Ulster Scots and the languages of other ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland.